Publications /
Opinion

Back
William Ruto Declared Winner of Kenya’s Presidential Election: What to Expect Next?
Authors
August 18, 2022

On the evening of August 15, the Kenyan Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) declared William Ruto, the vice-president of the outgoing government, as winner of the presidential race. The announcement was not made in a situation of calm, as political unrest and turbulence erupted a few moments before Wafula Chebukati, the Chairman of the Electoral Commission, announced the winner’s name. For the first time since it was established by the Constitution in 2011, the members of the IEBC failed to agree on the election results. In fact, four members out of seven, led by the Vice Chairperson Juliana Cherera, said they were unable to take ownership of the declared results.  Neither the constitution, nor the IEBC Act provide guidelines in case of a disagreement between the IEBC’s members. Thus, the Supreme Court seems to be the only institution with the capacity to state in lieu of a contestation of the elections’ results.  

Legal Pathways to Contest the Election Results

By virtue of the Kenyan Constitution, the IEBC has a mandate to supervise the conduct of the elections and ensure they are in accordance with legislation. Its powers and functions also include   investigation and prosecution of electoral offences by candidates, political parties, or their agents. However, its prerogatives do not include settling disputes arising after the declaration of results. This must be done by the Supreme Court. A defeated candidate can go to the court to contest the result within seven days. The court may then take up to 14 days to issue a decision on either the nullification or confirmation of the election results. In 2017, Raila Odinga, after losing to then-incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta, appealed to the Court, which ordered the nullification of the results and the rerun of the elections. The results of the second elections showed a clear victory for Uhuru Kenyatta, with 98% of the votes. Nonetheless, violent protests erupted in Odinga-supporting regions, such as the Kebira slums and the Kisumu district.

The history of post-electoral violence in Kenya haunts analysts and citizens as they await the first reactions from Raila Odinga and his supporters. The hours following the announcement of results were marked by dispersed protests that remain in scale much smaller than those of 2007 and 2017. Raila Odinga did not issue any statement until the day after, asserting that the announced results are null and void and must be quashed by the court. But he urged his supporters not take justice into their own hands.  

What to Expect Next?

The election outcome was undoubtedly expected to create division between the partisans of William Ruto and Raila Odinga. The competition was very tight and some of the pre-electoral polls, such as one conducted by Pollster Tifa Research, even gave Odinga a lead. Observers also agreed that it was one of the most competitive and uncertain elections, as both candidates have strong electoral bases and allies. It is precisely this point that might have reversed the balance. Could it be that Raila Odinga paid the price of his historical handshake with the former president? Did the shifting of alliances undermine the image of Raila Odinga as a historical opposition leader, who suddenly became a symbol of the ruling government?

It is worth mentioning that for Raila Odinga to appeal the results before the court, he must compose a file of evidence that technical and procedural breaches occurred during the elections. This procedure can be lengthy and costly. If the appeal is accepted by the Supreme Court, new elections will have to be organized within 60 days.

Organizing new elections would mean huge costs and logistical challenges to run the polling stations and mobilize staff at the different voting centers. Can Kenya really afford such a proceeding? The answer is probably not. Ever since the shifting of alliances between William Ruto and former President Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenyans have been keen to avoid ethnic politics as the economic situation of the country appears to be at its worst. Mounting levels of public debt, inflation, and youth unemployment have weighed heavily on the living standards of regular Kenyans, who seem more concerned about their economic and social wellbeing than anything else.

In a context in which the economic and social wellbeing of Kenyans is placed at the heart of all concerns, the appetite and desire for new elections might seem very limited. The turnout in the official round was already lower than past years (65%), and the lagging performance of the former government leaves the new leadership of Kenya with no option but to start immediate work to address the economic and social challenges ahead.

Though the Supreme Court decided to rule in favor of Raila Odinga in the 2017 elections, the situation might differ for the 2022 elections. The four members of the IEBC who dismissed the results—Juliana Cherera, Francis Wanderi, Irene Masit, and Justus Nyang'aya—were appointed by Uhuru Kenyatta, who is an ally of Raila Odinga, meaning a potential conflict of interest. The press conference held by Juliana Cherera to highlight the deficiencies of the process was marked by inconsistencies, as Mrs. Cherera declared an error margin of 0.01% amounting for 1420 votes, but that she mistakenly counted as 142,000 votes (a considerable gap as only 233,000 votes separated the two). This error has of course been taken up by supporters of William Ruto, who have accused the dissenting four commissioners of corruption and lack of professionalism.

Should this new context lead to a different way of handling post electoral divergences in Kenya? William Ruto in his presidential speech thanked Raila Odinga and said he was ready to collaborate with all leaders of Kenya with no room for vengeance. William Ruto and Raila Odinga were once allies in the 2007 elections, when they faced the Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta duet. Can they prove that in politics there are no permanent enemies or friends, and that Kenya comes first, as suggested by the name of William Ruto’s alliance, Kenya Kwanza?

Only the upcoming days can bring answers to all the underlying questions around the  election results.

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    September 7, 2018
    This year marks 10 years since the first India-Africa Forum Summit took place, and represents an important moment to take an in-depth look at the India-Africa relationship. Going forward from the Delhi Declaration and the India-Africa Framework for Strategic Cooperation, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, and OCP Policy Center, Rabat, are bringing out a joint publication on bolstering India-Africa engagement to secure a common future in the 21st century. This publication take ...
  • Authors
    Sabine Cessou
    September 6, 2018
    Le partenariat Europe-Afrique-Méditerrannée Comment renforcer la relation historique entre l’Europe et l’Afrique, et faire en sorte que le développement des deux continents se fasse en osmose ? C’est la question qu’a posée Gilles Pargneaux, euro-député français issu du mouvement « En marche », dans sa présentation d’une conférence organisée en partenariat avec OCP Policy Center, au Parlement européen, à Bruxelles, le 4 septembre 2018.  Président-fondateur de la Fondation EuroMedA ...
  • Authors
    August 29, 2018
    En quelques semaines, la vie politique en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) autour du processus électoral1 rencontre une séquence de soubresaut et d’emballement.  D’abord, la désignation d’un candidat2 du parti présidentiel peu après un discours cérémonial, en forme de bilan, du président Joseph Kabila, devant les élus ; puis l’acquittement surprise, par la Cour pénale internationale (CPI), de l’ancien vice-président Jean-Pierre Bemba, l’annonce de son retour et de sa candidatu ...
  • Authors
    August 28, 2018
    A NATION CRAVING TO RETURN TO GREATNESS It was yet another turbulent episode reflecting the dark sides of politics and secret service conspiracies. Murder is the message. “Do not mess with us.” The killers wore turbans and spoke Arabic. What else is new? It was dark, not a good time to drive on a hellhole of a road in the Central African Republic, one of the poorest nations of the world. So poor that death has no price. Not many streets are paved and streetlights are as frequent as ...
  • Authors
    August 15, 2018
    Suite à l'élection en août 2017 de João Lourenço en tant que président à la place de José Eduardo Dos Santos, qui a dirigé l’Angola pendant trente-huit ans, le pays connaît une dynamique de rupture ainsi qu’un mouvement massif de mises à l’écart des proches du clan de l’ancien président. La période écoulée reflète une transition et non une véritable alternance, tant il est vrai que les structures étatiques et la société civile restent, dans l’ensemble, dominées par l’influence du Mo ...
  • Authors
    Malik Abaddi
    August 8, 2018
    The African Union goes to Mauritania Under the theme “Winning the Fight Against Corruption”, the 31st Summit of the African Union was held in early July in the desert capital Nouakchott. In a bitter prelude in late June, the AU’s commitment to this central theme was dealt a blow with the sudden – and public – resignation of Ghana’s Daniel Batidam from the AU Advisory Board on Corruption. Off to a rocky start, the summit had an even rougher road ahead of it.  A month before the lau ...
  • Authors
    Tristan Coloma
    Benjamin Augé
    July 27, 2018
    Arrivé au pouvoir le 2 avril 2018, le premier ministre Ethiopien Abiy Ahmed Ali, issu de la majorité oromo, a été imposé à une minorité tigréenne ayant cadenassé les postes à la tête de l'Etat, depuis la domination politique de la coalition de l'Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) en 1991. Chef de l'Oromia Urban Development and Housing Bureau en charge des programmes de construction dans sa région, ainsi que vice-président de cette région peuplée de plus de 30 ...
  • Authors
    Sabine Cessou
    July 20, 2018
    Lors d’un séminaire, organisé par l’OCP Policy Center, le 20 juin 2018, à Rabat, des experts du jihad dans le Sahel se sont posé la question de l’extension ou du recul de ces groupes armés. La première partie du compte-rendu des discussions a été publiée ici. Selon Lemine Ould Salem, journaliste mauritanien et auteur de plusieurs livres sur le terrorisme dans le Sahel, « il n’existe pas historiquement de jihad sahélien, même si des épisodes historiques du jihad se sont déroulés sur ...
  • Authors
    François Gaulme
    July 20, 2018
    This paper aims to highlight both the financial, economic and political adjustment cycle, affecting two Central African petro-states, Gabon and the Republic of Congo (Congo-Brazzaville). These two countries, linked by their rentier economic system and their common colonial history, have nevertheless experienced different political fates after independence, with the former maintaining a special relationship with France, while the latter quickly opted for Marxism. In the 1980s and 199 ...
  • Authors
    Lemine Ould M. Salem
    July 5, 2018
    Cinq ans et demi après l’intervention militaire internationale conduite par la France pour chasser les jihadistes du nord du Mali, l’ancien Soudan français s’apprête à organiser une élection présidentielle censée accélérer le processus de paix issu des accords inter-maliens négociés à Alger et signés à Bamako en juin 2015. « Un scrutin décisif”, soutient en marge de l’African Peace and Security Annual Conference (APSACO), organisé les 18 et 19 juin 2018 à Rabat au Maroc par l’OCP P ...