Publications /
Opinion

Back
Ocean of Tears
August 16, 2021

Abdelhak Bassou is one of the leading national and African security experts. He is a Senior Fellow at the Policy Center for the New South and a highly appreciated professor at the elite University Mohammed VI, near Marrakech. His opinions provoke thoughts and comments, just as they should. The Policy Center for the New South’s Annual Report on Africa’s Geopolitics, coordinated by Mr. Bassou, contains numerous reports on the damaging effects of COVID-19 on Africa’s societies: ‘Impact of COVID-19 on Governance for the Peace and Security of Africa’;‘COVID-19: A Perfect Storm of African Securities’ or ’Covid 19, un révélateur des maux des sociétés africaines’, and ‘L’Afrique entre deux pandémies: la Covid-19 et la famine’. In his foreword to the report, Bassou nevertheless makes it clear that “the current edition opted to stand out from a certain form of media coverage which, by focusing on COVID-19 in Africa, has neglected other main issues on the continent and has therefore undermined efforts to address them”.

There had been “a widespread expectation of a bleak, if not disastrous, outlook for Africa” from COVID-19, Bassou wrote. The foreign media had predicted Africa would drown in an ocean of tears, sweeping away whatever progress had been achieved. “But the disastrous outlook, the anticipated cataclysm has not occurred, yet”, wrote the national security expert. By the end of 2020, Africa had reported a total 64,790 confirmed deaths, and 2,280,488 recoveries for2,728,602 registered cases. “While certainly distressing,” stated Mr. Bassou, “these figures are not overly alarming compared to statistics from other continents”. Brazil had reported more than half a million COVID-19 deaths by July 2021, the US more than 620,000, India 405,000, Mexico 234,000. France and Italy more than 100,000 and no end in sight. “One can hardly dispute the fact that the pandemic was less severe in Africa than elsewhere”, Bassou wrote. “Nevertheless COVID-19 is repeatedly invoked as the cause of all set backs throughout 2020”.

But, asked Bassou, “was it really the root of all evil [or]is the pandemic used to hide other pathologies troubling the continent?” His answer, reduced to the headline of his African Panorama 2020:“All is not COVID-19’s fault”. Bassou asked:“has COVID-19 diverted states or armed groups from their goals: fighting terrorism for the former, and destabilizing the established order for the latter? Has COVID-19 been the main priority, diverting attention from the security goals pursued before the pandemic? The author answers/” This has not been the case. Each side hoped the pandemic would weaken the other, and the armed groups got their wish”. A Sahel Citizen Coalition report, quoted by M. Bassou, noted that for war and terrorism casualties, “2020 was the deadliest year for civilians, with nearly 2,440 deaths in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger…Nearly two million peoplehave fled their homesbecause the violencein these central Sahel countries…Sixty percentof the displaced are childrenand an estimated 13 milliongirls and boys are out of school”. The Sahel  report, compiled in the midst of the pandemic does not attribute the 2020 deterioration to COVID-19, Bassou explained, “but rather to both the nature of the response and more importantly, to the rigid stakeholder focus on military solutions”.

‘Concealing the Real Failings’

Terrorism “has changed little or nothing,” Bassou insists. In his study, he confirms “the same is true for the Lake Chad Basin”, another epicenter of violence of transnational proportions, communal wars, broken ceasefires, shifting frontlines, jihadist campaigns andmassacres. “Terrorism remains a threat that the health crisishas neither concealed nor transformed, despite COVID-19 being used as a pretext to justify a number of shortcomings. From the terrorists’ perspective, the pandemicprovides a propaganda argumentto incite populations against government failures. But these failureshave long been plentiful, well before COVID-19”.

Mr. Bassou also suggests that the pandemic has not disrupted electoral processes, which are “notoriously difficult in Africa”. More than 22 elections were scheduled in Africa in 2020, but only a few, including state council votes in Ethiopia, and its parliamentary elections scheduled for August, and legislative elections in Chad, were cancelled, as wasa parliamentary vote in Somalia in November. Part of the good news: Algeria held a constitutional referendum and Burkina Faso, regularly confronted by terrorism, held general elections, despiteviolence. “While COVID-19 is often used as pretext”, noted Abdelhak Bassou in his Policy Center paper, “all observers agree that the causes of delay lay beyond the pandemicIt is also not the pandemic that has caused the mismanagement of African resources, which, despite their abundance, fail to lift large segments of the population out of poverty”. The national security expert suggested that “functional failure of some states is not the result of COVID-19, but the result of long standing practices prevalent in a number of countries, where the state as an institution fails to perform its function throughout its territory, while populations of neglected areas consequently fall prey to armed groups and transnational criminal organizations. The pandemic is irrelevant in determining the root causes of the emergence of grey areas, escaping government control”.

Corruption comes to mind, practiced in a number of African countries, corruption not created by the virus, as Bassou reminds us: “This evil was already eating away at the continent’s countries—including its two major economies—well before the arrival of COVID-19”. The coordinator of the Annual Report on Africa’s Geopolitics uses an overall metaphorical picture of Africa, a figurative scene showing a haze darkeningthe sky over the continent: “The cloud is COVID-19. It however does not obscure the clear perception of all hazards facing the continent. Terrorism and violence fueled by transhumance, socio-political crises, social inequality, and other crisis of governance, continue to be the real flaws and challenges in Africa, despite attempts to utilizethe pandemic and place itat the forefront to conceal the real failings”.

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    October 6, 2017
    This Policy Brief highlights the depths of the Sahel crisis. Some aspects of the crisis, such as extremist violence, migration, transnational crime and precariousness, are in fact symptoms of a disease that will only get worse if the real and deep causes are not addressed. Exploring the case of the G5 Sahel as a framework for the convenience of study and analysis does not imply that the crisis is limited to the five countries that are part of the G5 Sahel. Indeed, while specificitie ...
  • Authors
    August 4, 2017
    The African Peace and Security Annual Conference (APSACO), organized by the OCP Policy Center, was held from July 10 – 11, 2017 in Rabat. This first edition, focusing on the African Union’s (AU) strategic autonomy, aimed to facilitate a serious and constructive consideration of the various probable and realistic options for the rise of this international organization as an autonomous entity that is globally interdependent. The conference also aimed at launching a deep African debate ...
  • July 21, 2017
    La decisión del 15 de junio de 2017 del Tribunal Supremo de Sudáfrica, ordenando mantener el embargo del cargamento del fosfato marroquí con destino a Nueva Zelanda y remitir el caso a un juicio sobre el fondo, plantea tanto la cuestión de la capacidad del Polisario para entablar una acción ante una jurisdicción internacional como la de la independencia de la justicia Sudafricana en relación a las posiciones adoptadas por el gobierno de dicho país. ...
  • Authors
    Christopher S. Chivvis
    June 20, 2017
    The United States and Europe share a common interest in addressing the growing terrorist threats from North Africa. The emergence of ISIL as a force in the region — notably in Libya, but also in Egypt and to a lesser degree in Tunisia, Algeria, and Mali — is cause for genuine concern. The ISIL challenge is compounded by the persistence of older terrorist organizations, both local ones such as the region’s various Ansar al Sharias as well as al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), al ...
  • Authors
    May 25, 2017
    For its 6th edition, the Tana High-Level Forum on Security in Africa, held in Bahir Dar on Lake Tana in Ethiopia from April 22 to 23, 2017, focused on the theme of Natural Resource Governance in Africa. One of the forum session’s key discussion points sought to "understand and explain why the exploitation of these resources is increasingly a source of tension and violence, which have dramatic repercussions on the continent’s peace and stability." During the various events throughout ...
  • Authors
    February 1, 2017
    L’analyse des relations commerciales entre le Maroc et l’Afrique subsaharienne fait ressortir un volume des échanges croissants, reflétant ainsi une dynamisation continue des leurs relations commerciales. Une tendance similaire est observée au niveau des investissements directs étrangers, qui ne cessent de croître au cours des dernières années, traduisant la volonté du Maroc à devenir un acteur majeur dans le développement du continent africain. Ce Policy Brief présente dans un prem ...
  • Authors
    Eckart Woertz
    November 24, 2016
    Face aux bouleversements à ses frontières orientales et méridionales, l'Union européenne a cherché à trouver des réponses en révisant sa Politique européenne de voisinage et en publiant une nouvelle stratégie globale de politique étrangère et de sécurité. Au-delà des documents, quelles réalités de l'impact européen dans son voisinage ? La Politique européenne de voisinage (PEV) a été initiée en 2003 avec des déclinaisons régionales au Sud avec l’Union pour la Méditerranée depuis 20 ...
  • Authors
    September 15, 2016
    Les sous-régions et espaces d’intégration, anciens ou improvisés prolifèrent en Afrique. Ces structures sont communément désignées sous l’appellation : Communauté économique régionale (CER)1. A côté de l’Union africaine qui se veut l’organe d’intégration par excellence, d’autres structures sous régionales africaines font figure de phase intermédiaire pour faciliter l’intégration globale du continent. Certaines de ces sous-régions sont institutionnelles, d’autres sont de simples comm ...