Publications /
Opinion

Back
Ocean of Tears
August 16, 2021

Abdelhak Bassou is one of the leading national and African security experts. He is a Senior Fellow at the Policy Center for the New South and a highly appreciated professor at the elite University Mohammed VI, near Marrakech. His opinions provoke thoughts and comments, just as they should. The Policy Center for the New South’s Annual Report on Africa’s Geopolitics, coordinated by Mr. Bassou, contains numerous reports on the damaging effects of COVID-19 on Africa’s societies: ‘Impact of COVID-19 on Governance for the Peace and Security of Africa’;‘COVID-19: A Perfect Storm of African Securities’ or ’Covid 19, un révélateur des maux des sociétés africaines’, and ‘L’Afrique entre deux pandémies: la Covid-19 et la famine’. In his foreword to the report, Bassou nevertheless makes it clear that “the current edition opted to stand out from a certain form of media coverage which, by focusing on COVID-19 in Africa, has neglected other main issues on the continent and has therefore undermined efforts to address them”.

There had been “a widespread expectation of a bleak, if not disastrous, outlook for Africa” from COVID-19, Bassou wrote. The foreign media had predicted Africa would drown in an ocean of tears, sweeping away whatever progress had been achieved. “But the disastrous outlook, the anticipated cataclysm has not occurred, yet”, wrote the national security expert. By the end of 2020, Africa had reported a total 64,790 confirmed deaths, and 2,280,488 recoveries for2,728,602 registered cases. “While certainly distressing,” stated Mr. Bassou, “these figures are not overly alarming compared to statistics from other continents”. Brazil had reported more than half a million COVID-19 deaths by July 2021, the US more than 620,000, India 405,000, Mexico 234,000. France and Italy more than 100,000 and no end in sight. “One can hardly dispute the fact that the pandemic was less severe in Africa than elsewhere”, Bassou wrote. “Nevertheless COVID-19 is repeatedly invoked as the cause of all set backs throughout 2020”.

But, asked Bassou, “was it really the root of all evil [or]is the pandemic used to hide other pathologies troubling the continent?” His answer, reduced to the headline of his African Panorama 2020:“All is not COVID-19’s fault”. Bassou asked:“has COVID-19 diverted states or armed groups from their goals: fighting terrorism for the former, and destabilizing the established order for the latter? Has COVID-19 been the main priority, diverting attention from the security goals pursued before the pandemic? The author answers/” This has not been the case. Each side hoped the pandemic would weaken the other, and the armed groups got their wish”. A Sahel Citizen Coalition report, quoted by M. Bassou, noted that for war and terrorism casualties, “2020 was the deadliest year for civilians, with nearly 2,440 deaths in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger…Nearly two million peoplehave fled their homesbecause the violencein these central Sahel countries…Sixty percentof the displaced are childrenand an estimated 13 milliongirls and boys are out of school”. The Sahel  report, compiled in the midst of the pandemic does not attribute the 2020 deterioration to COVID-19, Bassou explained, “but rather to both the nature of the response and more importantly, to the rigid stakeholder focus on military solutions”.

‘Concealing the Real Failings’

Terrorism “has changed little or nothing,” Bassou insists. In his study, he confirms “the same is true for the Lake Chad Basin”, another epicenter of violence of transnational proportions, communal wars, broken ceasefires, shifting frontlines, jihadist campaigns andmassacres. “Terrorism remains a threat that the health crisishas neither concealed nor transformed, despite COVID-19 being used as a pretext to justify a number of shortcomings. From the terrorists’ perspective, the pandemicprovides a propaganda argumentto incite populations against government failures. But these failureshave long been plentiful, well before COVID-19”.

Mr. Bassou also suggests that the pandemic has not disrupted electoral processes, which are “notoriously difficult in Africa”. More than 22 elections were scheduled in Africa in 2020, but only a few, including state council votes in Ethiopia, and its parliamentary elections scheduled for August, and legislative elections in Chad, were cancelled, as wasa parliamentary vote in Somalia in November. Part of the good news: Algeria held a constitutional referendum and Burkina Faso, regularly confronted by terrorism, held general elections, despiteviolence. “While COVID-19 is often used as pretext”, noted Abdelhak Bassou in his Policy Center paper, “all observers agree that the causes of delay lay beyond the pandemicIt is also not the pandemic that has caused the mismanagement of African resources, which, despite their abundance, fail to lift large segments of the population out of poverty”. The national security expert suggested that “functional failure of some states is not the result of COVID-19, but the result of long standing practices prevalent in a number of countries, where the state as an institution fails to perform its function throughout its territory, while populations of neglected areas consequently fall prey to armed groups and transnational criminal organizations. The pandemic is irrelevant in determining the root causes of the emergence of grey areas, escaping government control”.

Corruption comes to mind, practiced in a number of African countries, corruption not created by the virus, as Bassou reminds us: “This evil was already eating away at the continent’s countries—including its two major economies—well before the arrival of COVID-19”. The coordinator of the Annual Report on Africa’s Geopolitics uses an overall metaphorical picture of Africa, a figurative scene showing a haze darkeningthe sky over the continent: “The cloud is COVID-19. It however does not obscure the clear perception of all hazards facing the continent. Terrorism and violence fueled by transhumance, socio-political crises, social inequality, and other crisis of governance, continue to be the real flaws and challenges in Africa, despite attempts to utilizethe pandemic and place itat the forefront to conceal the real failings”.

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    Mokhtar Ghailani
    October 18, 2019
    D’édition en édition, African Peace and Security annual Conference (APSACO), l’un des rendez-vous annuels phares du Policy Center for the New South (PCNS), confirme son envergure de plate-forme d’échange et de partage en vue de permettre à l’Afrique de s’adjuger une place dans le marché mondial des idées.  Dans son intervention lors de la 3ème édition, organisée les 18 et 19 juin 2019, avec pour thème ‘’ Africa's Place and Influence in a Changing World’’, Rachid El Houdaigui, Senior ...
  • Authors
    Pascal Chaigneau
    Amiral Oudot de Dainville
    Thierry Garcin
    Jacques Gravereau
    Sonia Le Gouriellec
    Anne-Sophie Raujol
    October 17, 2019
    Les Dialogues Stratégiques, une collaboration entre HEC Center for Geopolitcs et Policy Center for the New South, représentent une plateforme d’analyse et d’échange biannuelle réunissant des experts, des praticiens, des décideurs politiques, ainsi que le monde universitaire et les médias au service d’une réflexion critique et approfondie sur les tendances politiques mondiales et les grandes questions d’importance commune pour l’Europe et l’Afrique. Cette publication est issue de la ...
  • Authors
    Benjamin Augé
    October 16, 2019
    En 2017, l’arrivée au pouvoir de João Lourenço a mis un terme à près de quatre décennies de règne de l’ancien chef de l’État, José Eduardo Dos Santos. Le premier objectif de João Lourenço a été de renforcer son autorité en nommant à de hautes fonctions des personnalités qui lui sont proches et des cadres de l’ancien pouvoir qui lui avaient fait allégeance. La rapidité de la prise de contrôle par le nouveau «camarade numéro un» de tous les centres de décision–armée, renseignement, so ...
  • Authors
    Amal EL ouassif
    October 11, 2019
    Le 15 octobre 2019, les électeurs mozambicains se rendront aux urnes pour élire leur président. Des élections qui se déroulent dans un contexte particulier, marqué par la concrétisation des projets d’exploitation des réserves de gaz qui attisent les convoitises des différentes parties, ainsi que la conclusion d’un accord de paix entre les deux adversaires traditionnels, le Front de libération du Mozambique (FRELIMO)- parti actuellement au pouvoir- et Résistance nationale mozambicain ...
  • Authors
    October 3, 2019
    La Russie et l’Afrique se connaissent depuis le XVe siècle. Leurs liens se sont renforcés et officialisés à partir du 19ème siècle et, depuis, l’empire et le continent entretiennent des relations continues, quoique connaissant, parfois, et au gré des conjonctures, quelques moments de léthargie. Ces dernières années, médias et littérature des relations internationales ne cessent de mettre aux premières loges un certain ‘’Retour’’ de la Russie en Afrique, une Afrique où interviennent ...
  • Authors
    Under the Supervision of
    September 26, 2019
    True to the ambition and spirit of its inaugural edition (2017), then entitled ‘’Mirror of Africa,’’ the «Annual Report on Africa’s Geopolitics», under its new name, explores new horizons, with a view to better grasping the dynamics at play on the continent. This is reflected in particular in the three-part structure of the Report. In Part I (Regions), Africa is broken down into its diverse geographical areas, with a focus on the continent’s various regional economic communities. E ...
  • Authors
    Sous la direction de
    September 26, 2019
    Le Rapport sur la géopolitique de l’Afrique, dénommé lors de ses éditions précédentes « Miroir d’Afrique », s’inscrit dans une série de documents annuels publiés par le Policy Center for the New South (PCNS). Les grandes évolutions du continent y sont traitées, avec une large place faite à l’analyse prospective. Ce rapport s’ajoute ainsi au Rapport annuel sur l’économie de l’Afrique et au Rapport Arcadia (Annual Report on Commodity Analytics and Dynamics in Africa), portant les anal ...
  • September 9, 2019
    One of the first sovereign decisions of independent Morocco was to create the Royal Armed Forces (FAR) on 14 May 1956. Since then, the mission of the Moroccan army is consistent with the country's historical continuity shaped by strategic constants, it has however been subject to both conceptual and operational pressures since the late 1990s, as the lines between defense and security have blurred. This paper explores the central issue of adjusting the Royal Armed Forces (FAR) to a r ...
  • Authors
    Amal El Ouassif
    August 30, 2019
    The global migration problem cannot be wished away; it has to be managed. Morocco provides an example of how responsibility for migration management can be handled by African states. The latest statistics of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (FRONTEX) identify the Western Mediterranean route from Morocco to Spain as the busiest migratory route into Europe last year, with 57,034 illegal attempts to enter the continent recorded. However, a parallel look at the Moroccan gover ...
  • July 25, 2019
    Depuis son indépendance, en 1960, la République centrafricaine n’a connu presque pas de répit, à cause des différents soulèvements, rebellions, coups d’Etat et interventions étrangères. Cet Etat, conçu par le bon vouloir du système colonial, avec des frontières multiples et des richesses immenses, va concentrer l’ensemble des contradictions et points négatifs du continent africain, à savoir la mauvaise gouvernance, avec toutes ses formes et manifestations à l’extrême, et les conflit ...