Publications /
Policy Paper

Back
Selective review of food security policy worldwide: what can be learned from international experiences in order to shape food security policy in africa? - Part II
November 26, 2020

Food security for all requires (i) sustained productivity growth and competitiveness, not only of agriculture but of the entire economy; (ii) a social safety net; and (iii) resilience in the face of periodic shocks. This is the central message of this review.

Two popular concepts in food security for all are food self-sufficiency (FSS) and food sovereignty (FSY). While countries have pursued different policies to achieve FSS, the common element in their approaches is the misguided belief that domestically producing all of a country’s consumption of basic food makes that country food secure. In addition, FSY is concerned with retaining control over policy; that is a country’s agri-food should not be subjugated to foreign corporate interests. Though popular, implementation of these concepts has not delivered “food security which exists when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life”– (1996 World Food Summit). We label this holistic concept of food security: FSH. FSH rests on four pillars: availability, access, utilization, and stability. FSH in fact corresponds to the food security most people want. More often than not, achievement of FSS or FSY is not FSH. Instead, their implementation has raised serious questions regarding the sustainability, inclusiveness, and resilience1  of food systems.

If there were any a time to rebuild our agri-food systems, it is now in the dark days of the COVID-19 pandemic and strenuous socio-economic recovery efforts. The widespread dislocation of globally integrated agri-food value chains inflicted by the pandemic may lead policymakers to conclude that, contrary to experience, the higher the level of FSS, the more solid the guarantee of food security. Far from it. If the pandemic has taught us anything, it is that the countries that fared best are those where the leadership recognized the magnitude of the public health threat, and responded swiftly and decisively to detect, isolate, contact trace, treat, and contain the virus. They learned from their past experiences with contagious diseases, used science and technology, and enjoyed public trust throughout.

The same qualities of leadership and governance apply to achieving food security for all. The leaders that have done best have recognized that the food security 

challenge requires transformation not only of their agricultures but of their entire economies as well. They put in place investments, incentives, and institutions that made use of science and technology, and improved access to expanding markets to fuel their decades-long transformations. They monitored the impacts of their interventions and adjusted their policies along the way.

Our review of food security policy in 16 countries (five in and 11 outside Africa) includes high, middle and low-income countries with very different historical legacies and structural characteristics, and at very different stages of development (see Annexes 2, 3 (a) and (b) and 4). This great diversity shows that countries whose leadership promoted sustained agricultural productivity growth in the earlier decades of their development within a macro and trade framework of expanding markets (domestic and foreign), succeeded best in achieving FSH. They recognized the complex short- and long-term challenges of achieving FSH and did not reduce them to only domestic production of more basic staples.

Herein lies a basic point for policymakers in developing countries with significant (5%-10% of GDP or more) agricultural sectors: invest, invest, invest in your agrifood sector and not only for food staples but also to increase value added at primary and processing levels, to diversify and to integrate into the broader macro and world economy. Too many developing countries have followed industry-first import-substituting strategies. Like China under Mao (although they did not share the same ideology), many countries wanted to ‘leap’ into industry and ‘squeeze’ agriculture. Largely as a result, they have neither a strong industrial sector nor a strong agricultural sector. Timmer (2015) put it best: “No country has succeeded in its industrial revolution without a prior (or at least a simultaneous) agricultural revolution. Neglecting agriculture in the early stages of development is neglecting development”. Worldwide experience amply shows that it is essential not only to promote agriculture but to transform it; not just to increase output but to sustain its productivity growth, transforming it into a diversified and high value added sector that progressively integrates into the broader domestic and world economy.

To achieve FSH, an agricultural revolution is necessary but not sufficient. Persistent poverty in many Asian countries that have successfully promoted the Green Revolution illustrates this. A social safety net is required even in high-income countries, for everyone is vulnerable to economic downturns, personal misfortunes, and periodic disasters. Just as individuals need insurance, so do societies as a whole for resilience and longevity. Unless an economy is resilient, successful agricultural and economic transformation is virtually impossible, because transformation is ‘slow magic’ that stretches over several decades at least. For any country during this long period, the likelihood of being plunged into a crisis beyond its control is very high. The COVID-19 pandemic is an example.

The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare one key food security vulnerability: weaknesses in public health systems. Public health systems at all levels —from local to global —are being severely tested. It is increasingly clear that global public health is an essential public good for food security. Our highly integrated global economy, our warming climate, and high rates of urbanization are key structural features that heighten our vulnerability to the rapid spread of infectious diseases. Snowden (2019) argued that the old wisdom that saved societies in the past must be 

brought front and center of government: “salus populi, suprema les esto” according to the ancients (Adams, 2020). In other words, public health must be the highest law. All else follows from it. Therefore, in a post-pandemic era, governments must invest in strengthening their public health infrastructures to achieve domestic food security, and should do so with global partners.

In rebuilding their economies after the COVID-19 pandemic, African leaders should not forget this centuries-old lesson regarding the fundamental importance of public health as they prioritize continental trade. Such trade can rightly be viewed as the prime mover in the agricultural and economic transformation of the continent, necessary to eliminate extreme poverty, and achieve food security for all in Africa. The Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) promises to be a vast continental market of increasing agri-food demand from an urbanizing and industrializing Africa. Realizing this great potential will require African leaders committed to a vision of an integrated, peaceful, and prosperous Africa that is capable of drawing on the substantial assets Africa has, including regional and global alliances, a diaspora of well trained and well financed Africans, and institutions of agricultural research, development and higher learning. Leaders should also be fully aware of the pitfalls and promises in global experiences of food security policy.

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    Sabine Cessou
    May 17, 2019
    Sur quelles contraintes faut-il anticiper lorsqu’on évoque la croissance de l’Afrique? Comment guider les décideurs politiques dans les priorités à définir pour piloter l’économie et arriver à bon port dans le monde qui vient? Le séminaire organisé le 11 avril à Paris par le PCNS et le Centre de développement de l’OCDE a apporté des éléments de réponse. La discussion s’est ouverte en prenant appui sur le rapport de référence publié en 2018 par l’Union africaine et l’OCDE sur les “D ...
  • Authors
    February 6, 2019
    Ce papier examine la plainte initiée par la Turquie devant l’Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) contre le Maroc au sujet des droits antidumping appliqués aux produits d’acier laminés à chaud. La plainte de la Turquie constitue à la fois un précédent et une opportunité. Un précédant d’abord, car jamais le Maroc n’a été impliqué, ni en qualité de partie plaignante ni en qualité de partie défenderesse, dans une affaire devant le GATT ou l’OMC. Une opportunité ensuite, par ce que l ...
  • Authors
    February 6, 2019
    This paper examines Turkey's case against Morocco before the World Trade Organization (WTO), over anti-dumping duties on hot-rolled steel products. Turkey's complaint constitutes both a precedent and an opportunity. First, it is a precedent in that Morocco was previously never involved in a case before GATT or WTO, neither as a plaintiff nor as a defendant. Second, it is an opportunity as the evaluation of the legal process of the complaint enables an assessment of adequacy of Moroc ...
  • Authors
    Yana Myachenkova
    November 27, 2018
    - The trade agreements that the European Union has with North African countries – with Algeria, Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia – are often seen as having delivered disappointing results since they came into force during the 2000s. The four North African countries have seen insufficient growth in their exports to the EU, and have undergone only limited diversification. In the meantime, the EU’s exports to North Africa have grown quite rapidly. - Economic growth in North Africa has been ...
  • Authors
    November 13, 2018
    Livelihoods of northern Niger’s population depended for centuries on trade and cross-border movement of licit goods with Libya. Historical trends of domestic and regional shocks demonstrated the ability of local communities to adapt and adjust to transformations caused by these shocks to survive. People moving through and living in the area have different motivations and reasons to cross to Libya and beyond, but economic drivers remain the key factor. The local economy has suffered ...
  • Authors
    Sabine Cessou
    October 8, 2018
    « Amérique latine, crises et sorties de crises », telle était la première des deux thématiques des 6èmes Dialogues stratégiques, organisés le 4 avril par HEC Paris (Centre de géopolitique) et OCP Policy Center. Un tableau mitigé a été dressé, avec des signes de reprise et une croissance supérieure à 2 % qui n’empêchent pas des situations de crise comme au Brésil, au Nicaragua ou au Vénézuela. Crise d’un modèle d’oligarchies anti-capitalistes Au Vénézuela, la corruption paraît si e ...
  • Authors
    Anabel Gonzalez
    August 30, 2018
    The agreement establishing the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is a framework to create a free trade area across the region, bringing together the 55 members of the African Union into a continental market with a cumulative Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeding US$2.2 trillion and a total population of over one billion people. When concluded and successfully implemented, it will become the largest free trade area in the world in terms of membership, opening up significa ...
  • Authors
    August 13, 2018
    Depuis la fin de l’année 2017, le président Donald Trump mène plusieurs batailles commerciales, contre différents partenaires, sous prétextes de sauver des emplois industriels américains et de réduire le déficit commercial des États-Unis. S’il est difficile de se prononcer sur les effets des combats commerciaux amorcés par le président Trump, l’importance des opposants et des échanges pour l’économie mondiale en fait une source de risque pour la croissance, les emplois et les prix à ...