Publications /
Opinion

Back
Senegal’s Presidential Elections: a Test to the Country’s Democratic Credentials
Authors
Mayecor Sar
April 18, 2019

The author is an alumnus of the 2015 Atlantic Dialogues Emerging Leaders program

On the 2nd of April 2019, Macky Sall was sworn in as President of the Republic of Senegal for a second five year term, after scoring a resounding 58.7% victory in the first round of the country’s elections. This solemn official ceremony has brought to a close the bitter contest that opposed the President to four challengers that included two former government ministers (Idrissa Seck and Madicke Niang), a local social media sensation (Ousmane Sonko) and a university professor (Issa Sall).    

Macky Sall’s Victory

Macky Sall’s victory, which was unceremoniously announced by the Head of the National Vote Counting Commission less than a week after the last vote was cast, came amid a confusing situation that saw different camps claiming victory on the night of the election. This episode put Senegal’s whole electoral process under the spotlight, with some even suggesting that Senegal’s reputation as an accomplished democracy was overrated. 

This is the result of a latent climate of mistrust and finger-pointing that has plagued Macky Sall’s whole first term. Indeed, ever since he took office President Sall has been bedeviled by accusations regarding his governance record that, some critics argue, has been illiberal and geared towards setting the perfect conditions for his reelection. 
This reputation stems from the jailing of Karim Wade, the son of Macky Sall’s predecessor, Abdoulaye Wade, and that of the popular mayor of Dakar Khalifa Sall, who the opposition claim are the victims of a politically motivated plot to get rid of Macky Sall’s most serious opponents. 

The Senegalese Democracy

Macky Sall’s supporters argue in return that institutions are strong and independent. They point for example to the new constitution that amongst other things, reduces the Presidential term from 7 to 5 years and reinforces the rights of opposition parties, adopted after the 2016 referendum furthers Senegal’s democracy and freedom.
This war of words reached its apex during the implementation of a controversial sponsorship system, which requires each candidate to garner the signature of a number of patrons, amounting to roughly 0.8% of the voting population. Despite opposition parties and some activist groups crying foul over the whole process, the pool of candidates was reduced to five finalists from a whopping eighty-seven applicants. All in all, whether the opposition’s accusations were justified or not, they only served to weaken Senegal’s hard-earned reputation as a stellar democracy.  

Yet the sentiment on the ground - and that despite many arguing to the contrary - is that Senegal’s democracy remains robust. This view was corroborated by more than 5000 international observers, tasked with monitoring the elections, who described the process as “very good news” for Senegal.      
Moreover, the relatively high participation rate of 66.2% of registered voters (compared to 51% in 2012), seems to point to an inclusive and fair process. Opposition parties seem to agree with that part of the argument. Indeed, their official stance after the results were announced, is that although they disagree with the president on the manner in which the process was conducted, they do not possess enough evidence to formally contest the election results; they thus reluctantly accepted the results. 

What to Expect 

However, as he embarks on his 2nd term, high on the President’s in-tray will be to mend the rift created by the divisions of his first term. He seems to understand this. In his victory speech he invited the opposition parties to discuss ways in which they can collaborate to advance some of the most pressing issues. He also reiterated this point in his inauguration speech. 

As for the Senegalese people, they have voted peacefully, went back to work next day and let institutions such as the National Vote Counting Commission and the Constitutional Council do the rest. This alone is a clear indication of the mutual trust between citizens and their institutions, which is probably a better barometer of Senegal’s democracy than international perception.    

RELATED CONTENT

  • November 27, 2020
    The Policy Center for the New South is hosting a joint webinar in partnership with the ASEANplus Platform of the Ghent University under the theme “Europe, Africa and Asia: What Partnership Dynamics after 2021?”. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the effects of globalization and defi...
  • Authors
    Sabine Cessou
    November 27, 2020
    « Une terre promise » (Fayard), livre événement de Barack Obama, couvre sa campagne et les trois premières années de sa présidence. L’Egypte est le pays d’Afrique dont il parle le plus – et pas seulement à cause du Printemps arabe. L’Afrique occupe à peine 40 pages sur les 840 que comptent les mémoires de Barack Obama. La crise financière internationale, la loi Obama Care et le retrait des troupes d’Irak et Afghanistan ont retenu l’attention du président fraîchement élu. C’est l’Eg ...
  • Authors
    Souha Majidi
    November 26, 2020
    The Trump Administration “America First” policy changed U.S. foreign policy towards the African continent. Trump opposed trade agreements with several countries, considering them to be unfavorable to the U.S., given the nature of the African market. He shifted the U.S. concern in Africa from fighting against violent extremism and terrorism to a direct competition with other great powers—China and Russia—which had already extensively implemented African strategies. He endeavored to r ...
  • Authors
    November 19, 2020
    In October 2014, Burkina Faso entered a new era when a social uprising resulted in the overthrow after 27 years of President Blaise Compaoré. The uprising was triggered by Compaoré’s attempt to amend the constitution so he could run for another term. In late 2015, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré was elected and sworn as a new president with high hopes for a new Burkina Faso. Corruption, democratic reforms, poverty, and economic development dominated President Kaboré’s inauguration speech ...
  • Authors
    Noureddine Jallal
    November 11, 2020
    L’histoire du Polisario, loin de prouver une quelconque légitimité, est en réalité un produit non discursif, plus confus, produit et délégué à une consommation interne, et à une stratégie de propagande à l’extérieur. L’organisation séparatiste qui réfute la marocanité du Sahara, ne possède que des récits épars. Des récits basés sur des entretiens oraux et des semblants de rapports de réunions, postdatés généralement, des constatations et des déclarations de mémoire des uns et des au ...
  • November 10, 2020
    The COVID-19 pandemic has been characterized by a shifting balance of power, with some analysts even predicting a new international order in the making. Emerging powers are contributing to the changing power dynamics by competing to increase the influence they have in political, economic, and security spheres. Africa is one of the key spaces where such strategic efforts have been taking place. In such a context, this paper assesses key drivers of emerging powers’ growing engagement ...
  • Authors
    November 9, 2020
    The word ‘occupation’ was used twice specifically to the Saharan Provinces in UN General Assembly resolutions in 1979 and 1980. Though the word has not been used by the General Assembly since, it has appeared in court rulings in the EU, the UK and South in a detrimental conclusion regarding Morocco’s sovereignty over the Saharan Provinces. This paper shall start with a consideration of international law in order: to differentiate occupation of a nonself- governing territory from occ ...
  • Authors
    Eugène Berg
    Pascal Chaigneau
    Jérôme Évrard
    Alain Oudot de Dainville
    Sonia Le Gouriellec
    Rodolphe Monnet
    Florent Parmentier
    Nicolas Vaujour
    October 16, 2020
    Dans ce huitième ouvrage, le Centre HEC de Géopolitique et le Policy Center for the New South présentent 13 papiers conjoints inspirés de la 8ème édition de la conférence annuelle des Dialogues Stratégiques, et enrichis par les auteurs. Lors de cette rencontre, qui a eu lieu le 17 octobre 2019, deux thèmes majeurs ont été discutés : Les défis de la navalisation et de la maritimisation du monde et l’insularité au sein de l’Union Africaine. Dans la première partie de l’ouvrage, les a ...
  • Authors
    Hajar El Alaoui
    October 5, 2020
    La pandémie de la Covid-19 a mis en exergue les limites de la « coopération internationale » et du multilatéralisme, cédant la place à une possible émergence de la coopération bilatérale, voire régionale, et à la mise en œuvre de Complexes régionaux de sécurité. La configuration actuelle du monde en fait un village global, où les Etats sont à l’image de leurs nations, plus connectés et interdépendants. Il est, certes, vrai que la mondialisation ne peut disparaître, mais peut, en rev ...