Publications /
Opinion

Back
Conflict Returns to the Caucasus
Authors
October 27, 2020

War has started again in the Caucasus, a region between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea consisting of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and parts of Southern Russia. It is a kind of mountainous border between Asia and Europe, in a region with vast oil resources that was conquered by Russia a few hundred years ago. The fighting that has erupted is over an enclave known as Nagorno-Karabakh, a remote territory without strategic value that is nevertheless, as writer Andrew Higgins concluded in the New York Times (October 4), “the center of the most enduring and venomous of the ‘frozen conflicts’ left by the collapse of the Soviet Union”. Nagorno-Karabakh has 100,000 inhabitants, predominantly Armenians, and is located within the borders of Azerbaijan and controlled by factions with close ties to Armenia’s capital Yerevan. Relations between the two former Soviet republics, which together have fewer than 13 million people, have been tense since 1991, when Armenian military forces occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, which is internationally-recognized as a territory of Azerbaijan, a mainly Muslim nation.

The current fighting marks the worst round of violence since the early 1990s when as many as 30,000 people were killed and thousands were displaced before a 1994 ceasefire brought a fragile peace to the Caucasus. Moscow has signed a formal security alliance with Armenia, but is also delivering arms to its neighbor Azerbaijan. Turkey is a supporter of Armenia’s enemy in Azerbaijan’s capital Baku, which also receives military hardware from Israel and F-16s from Washington. Azerbaijan has not only established a giant pipeline connecting its oil resources with Turkey, but has established notably close relations with Israel and occasionally is at odds with Iran, which publicly denied allegations that the mullahs were sending assistance to Armenia, which lacks economic resources and military hardware, unlike its enemy.

The Middle East research newsletter Al-Monitor (October 5) reported: “As Turkish-Israeli relations go from bad to worse, both Ankara and Jerusalem are backing Azerbaijan in the conflict. Armenia recalled its ambassador to Israel because of Israel’s selling arms to Azerbaijan.” When the battle began, Ankara deployed its drones and, allegedly, transferred a couple of thousand mercenaries from Syria to the front line. American made F-16s attacked targets around towns including Stepanakert, the main city in the contested enclave, which is also known as the republic of Artsakh. Armenia targeted the enemy’s second city, Ganja, which is located near oil and gas pipeline terminals. It is a diplomatic, political cacophony, which may develop into a global conflict, since Russia may be obliged to employ troops to aid Armenia, thus confronting fighters financed by Ankara. Azerbaijan’s military issued a statement that its objectives were to shift the status quo by seizing territory from the enclave. Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan alerted U.S. President Donald Trump’s national security adviser Robert O Brien by phone, asking why Washington was tolerating Turkey, its NATO ally, hitting Armenian targets with U.S. fighter jets. Possibly the U.S. President was still trying to recover from his COVID-19 infection. Heavy fighting continued in the Caucasus, a ceasefire agreement was ignored, members of the Minsk Group, established in 1992 by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, deplored the fighting, considered as an unacceptable threat to the stability of the region. Yet rockets were aimed at villages, artillery fire exchanged, fighter jets hit civilian targets. With Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan allegedly sending jihadist groups into the battle, the Turkish President crossed “a red line”, declared his French counterpart Emmanuel Macron, who is also opposing Erdogan’s actions in Libya.

‘Putin and Erdogan Are no Longer Speed Dialing Each Other’

According to Andrew Higgins in the New York Times (October 6), the “conflict has set off alarms about the risks of a wider war and put the United States, with its large and politically influential Armenian diaspora, in the uncomfortable position of watching Turkey, a vital ally, deploying F-16 jets in support of Armenia’s enemies”. If the conflict spirals and spreads to flash points far from Nagorno-Karabakh, analysts suggest it raises the possibility of Russia and Turkey pitted in yet another proxy war.

Even more complicated, noted the New York Times (September 30): “At the same time, the countries kept up trade ties and cut natural gas deals and Turkey bought anti-aircraft missiles from Russia, angering the United States”. A Turkish news agency reported that Turkish-made drones had hit targets in Nagorno-Karabakh “raising the specter” warns Andrew Kramer, “of a proxy battle in the enclave”. Trespassing into former Soviet territory with arms “is not something Russia will look kindly at”, said Dmitry Trenin, director of the Moscow Carnegie Center. Nick Paton Walsh insisted in the CNN newsletter (October 5) that Putin and Erdogan “are no longer speed dialing each other. Erdogan has left Putin in perhaps his most delicate spot in years”. Moscow is deeply involved in conflicts in Libya and Syria, is dealing with a crisis in neighboring Belarus, whose dictator is threatened to lose power to a democratic movement. Recep Tayyip Erdogan is threatening to intervene for as long as needed in the Caucasus crisis: “As Turkey, with all our means and with all our heart, we stand with fellow and brother Azerbaijan and we continue to stand with it, God willing, until Nagarno-Karabakh is liberated from invasion, this struggle will continue” (Washington Post Newsletter, ‘Today’s world view’, October 5). Intervention by Ankara, writes Fehim Tastekin (Al-Monitor, October 3) “risks escalation with Russia. If Moscow comes to believe that Ankara has ulterior motives, such as expanding its Turco-Islamist influence to the South Caucasus as part of Erdogans’s neo-Ottoman ambitions, it won’t stand idle”.

For Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the current fighting poses an “existential threat” because of the role of Turkey, whose precursor, the Ottoman Empire killed an estimated 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the First World War. Political analyst Amberin Zaman claimed in the Al-Monitor newsletter (October 3), that Azerbaijan’s military action “was not sparked by accident but was preplanned by Azerbaijan and its regional ally Turkey”. Zaman’s analysis is that Turkey’s all-in support, including providing arms and training, can allow Erdogan “to claim credit for winning back Azerbaijani territory, however little, [which] would be an enormous boost to his droopy poll numbers in the midst of a looming economic crisis”.

 

The opinions expressed in this article belongs to the author.

RELATED CONTENT

  • Authors
    May 6, 2022
    In addition to the deaths and destruction in Ukraine, the Russian invasion has caused several significant shocks to the global economy. In addition to the geopolitical consequences of the war, reinforcing the downward trend in trade globalization and financial integration, new rounds of disruptions to supply chains and higher commodity prices have already led to downward revisions in economic growth projections, accompanied by higher inflation. The commodity price shock, intensify ...
  • Authors
    April 26, 2022
    Which nation is next on Putin’s list, the Baltic states, Poland? “An oligarch is one of the select few people, who rule or influence leaders in an oligarchy- a government in which power is held by a select few individuals or a small class of powerful people” (www.dictionary.com) Now we know. The oligarchs of Moscow and St Petersburg, Vladivostok or Sevastopol, are forced to dig into their reserves, hidden cash, tons of Euro, dollar, pound wherever possible to camouflage their mone ...
  • Authors
    April 26, 2022
    As China’s presence has expanded into the Horn of Africa, Somaliland has opted to distance itself from Beijing and presented itself as a democratic ally of the West – and Taiwan. On March 17, 2022, three Republican Congressmen introduced a bill titled the “Somaliland Partnership Act,” requiring the American Secretary of State to submit annual reports to Congress on assistance provided to Somaliland and conduct a feasibility study on establishing a security partnership with Somalilan ...
  • April 25, 2022
    Retrouvez en exclusivité l’interview de Abdelhak Bassou, Senior Fellow au Policy Center for the New South, qui se livre à Helmut Sorge, Columnist au Policy Center for the New South, au sujet des multi-disparités présentes en Afrique. Abdelhak Bassou est l’auteur du Chapitre 5 du rapport...
  • Authors
    Patricia Ahanda
    April 22, 2022
    Le second tour des élections présidentielles françaises qui se tiendra ce 24 avril 2022 opposera de nouveau Emmanuel Macron, le président sortant, et Marine Le Pen, présidente du Rassemblement national. Pourtant, cette nouvelle élection n’est en rien similaire à celle de 2017. Cette élection est un nouvel affrontement politique entre deux leaders aux projets totalement opposés. C’est un duel politique français marqué par des bouleversements sociaux, économiques, générationnels, poli ...
  • Authors
    April 20, 2022
    President Tshisekedi embarked on a significant overhaul of the Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) foreign policy and objectives in 2019. This policy shift stands out for the notable international and continental activism, enabling the DRC to put an end to the diplomatic isolation it faced since 2016, restart cooperation with a number of key partners, and revitalize the country’s role in international organizations and regional economic communities. This Policy Brief attempts to ex ...
  • Authors
    Abdelmounaim Fanidi
    April 19, 2022
    Suivant une analyse réaliste des relations internationales, des ‘facteurs objectifs’ ont été longtemps mis en avant pour expliquer le blocage de l’intégration régionale au Maghreb (e.g. le conflit du Sahara). Par une approche constructiviste, cet article a pour vocation d’analyser un facteur subjectif susceptible de freiner ou favoriser l’intégration maghrébine, en l’occurrence les identités nationales. Il se focalisera sur « les discours primordialistes ». Autrement dit, les discou ...
  • Authors
    April 15, 2022
    The shadows of Africa's colonial history loom over the French presidential elections. Emmanuel Macron came to office claiming to be “neither of left nor right,” and hoping to fundamentally transform France’s approach to Africa, and to heal the wounds of colonialism. Given the Russian-Ukraine War, the failure of Operation Barkhane, the rise of the French right, and the general African fatigue with Françafrique, it is not clear if an overhaul of France's African policy is possible. ...
  • April 15, 2022
    Although there have been efforts to regulate the privatization of security, the problem is not the lack of international regulation, but the lack of convergence between international and national law on one hand, and government regulation and industry self-regulation, on the other. The growing number of actors in the contemporary security environment has added a layer of complexity, as it made accountability more diffuse and difficult to track, since the responsibility lies with mul ...
  • April 5, 2022
    يخصص مركز السياسات من أجل الجنوب الجديد حلقة برنامجه الأسبوعي "حديث الثلاثاء" لمستقبل العلاقات المغربية الاسبانية مع العربي الجعايدي، باحث بارز بمركز السياسات من أجل الجنوب الجديد عرفت العلاقة الثنائية المغربية الإسبانية تطوّرًا ملحوظًا مع إعلان الحكومة الإسبانية مساندتها لمبادرة الحكم ...